
Senator John Kerry and President George W. Bush.
by Jeff Vincent
What a difference four years can make.
During the 2000 presidential contest, the central education issue was
improving the performance of the nation’s public schools, primarily at
the elementary school level. George W. Bush seized the issue – some
pundits say he successfully co-opted it from the Democrats – and made
it a centerpiece of his campaign.
After the election, the new Congress made President Bush’s “No Child
Left Behind Act” the very first piece of legislation, HR 1, to be
addressed by lawmakers.
Four years ago, candidate Bush also promised to complete the final
phases of a five-year doubling of the annual budget for the National
Institutes of Health (NIH). The successful completion of that pledge
helped drive hundreds of millions of dollars in health care-related
research at U.S. universities. Other research disciplines benefited,
too, as they sought “balance” with the NIH budget surge. In 2000, the
federal government was not engaged at all in stem-cell research.
Today, President Bush and Sen. John F. Kerry, D-Mass., are in the final
days of a hard-fought and closely contested election for the White
House; and campaign issues have changed in many ways, including several
areas of immediate interest to colleges and universities.
“No Child Left Behind” is again very much a hot topic, but the current
debate revolves around questions of adequate funding and whether the
program has been successful in lifting student performance. Meanwhile,
higher education has achieved new visibility as a campaign issue, with
Bush and Kerry taking substantially different approaches to federal
involvement in this arena. Both in terms of student aid and
university-based research, the candidates are reacting to a changed
world.
College Affordability Takes Center Stage
Last year, driven by funding cutbacks from cash-strapped state
legislatures, the average tuition for in-state students at public,
four-year colleges increased by a whopping 13 percent, according to the
College Board. Just-released figures for the current year show another
10.5 percent increase. These are the kind of numbers that get the
attention of many parents and, therefore, many politicians.
During Bush’s first term, the maximum Pell Grant – the federal
government’s most visible direct aid for needy students – has increased
by only 8 percent for the entire period. “At the same time,” according
to the Chronicle of Higher Education,
“the administration has largely ignored most of the government’s other
important student aid programs.” Early this year, the White House sent
Congress a budget that generally would keep student aid programs at
their current levels next year.
On the campaign trail, however, Bush has proposed giving low-income
students $5,000 grants to study math and science while enrolled in
college. He also would initiate a pilot program to give low-income
students an extra $1,000 in grants during their freshman year if they
take certain college-preparatory courses while in high school. In
addition, he would extend a number of tax breaks enacted during his
first term aimed at easing the burden of college costs.
Indeed, the president has touted the effects of his Pell Grant
increases and other proposed financial aid policies. According to the
Republican platform, “Republicans are working to ensure that college is
affordable for American low- and middle-income families through
increased funding of grants, low-interest student loans and tax breaks
for working families … These grants will help an estimated 5.3 million
low-income students pay for higher education – one million more
students than when President Bush and Vice President Cheney came to
office.”
But Bush’s main thrust in higher education during the campaign has been
aimed at improving college access and affordability for non-traditional
students. This is closely aligned with his belief that education –
including vocational training, two-year college programs and distance
learning – is the key to improving employment numbers and keeping
America competitive in the world job market.
Thus, the president has said he would allow Pell Grant recipients to
use the money on a year-round basis; allow federally backed student
loans to be used for short-term job re-training programs; provide $125
million to community colleges to help improve student services, such as
“dual-enrollment” programs that let high school students earn college
credits; and establish a $250 million federal program for job training
at community colleges.
Like the president, Sen. Kerry also supports tax breaks for students
and families and incentives for colleges to offset rising college
costs. In an effort to cut tuition costs, Kerry would offer $10 billion
to states that limit tuition increases. He also would extend current
Hope and Lifelong Learning tax credits to those who pay little or no
taxes and increase the full tax credit for tuition payments from $1,500
to $4,000.
While Kerry has not promised increases in the maximum Pell Grant,
currently $4,050, or in the overall Pell Grant budget, he has advocated
for incentives to reward colleges for the persistence of Pell Grant
recipients. Kerry would allocate $100 million to colleges with improved
graduation rates provided that students receiving Pell Grants make up
at least 10 percent of the institution’s student body.
Kerry has attempted to draw the clearest distinction in college
financing policy on the issue of student loans. A special report issued
by the Democratic National Committee suggests that Republican loyalties
lie with lenders rather than students:
“House Republicans are considering adding a provision to the
reauthorization of the Higher Education Act to switch student loans
from fixed to variable interest rates, meaning higher payments for
millions of college graduates over the next few years.”
In response, Kerry has challenged the current practice of government
guaranteed loans to lenders and instead has proposed that banks and
other lenders compete for student loans through a government sponsored
auction. This policy is aimed to reduce inefficiencies and, hopefully,
interest rates for students at the expense of lenders’ profits. The
Kerry campaign has estimated a savings of $12 billion.
Kerry has earmarked these savings for his Service for College plan.
This program aims to expand AmeriCorps from 75,000 to 500,000 within
the next decade. Its participants would include 300,000 students
enrolled in college serving part time to earn money toward tuition and
200,000 students serving full time two-year commitments to earn grants
equal to tuition costs over four years. Student would serve in schools,
health centers and in other capacities related to homeland security.
Divergent Views on Research Priorities
Just as the playing field for college costs has changed dramatically
over the last four years, so too has the environment for federally
sponsored research at universities. The terrorist attacks of Sept. 11,
2001 – less than nine months after President Bush took office – shifted
the primary focus of government research to an agenda that supports the
overseas war on terror and protects the homeland. The emphasis is on
advanced technologies that yield near-term benefits that aid in these
efforts.
Meanwhile, fiscal pressures – including a sluggish economic recovery,
the cost of the war on terrorism, record deficits and the cost of
personal and corporate tax cuts – have put a crimp in those federal
research programs that don’t directly support national security
efforts. This includes much basic or “fundamental” research, which is
largely the province of universities, as well as some applied research
that is seen as less pressing than dealing with the threat of
terrorism.
Candidate Bush’s plans for federal research funding are best revealed by examining President
Bush’s budgets for the last three years, as well as the funding for
fiscal year 2005, now being finalized by the Republican-controlled
Congress. The budgetary outlook remains less than rosy for non-defense
agencies that fund university-based research, particularly in the
physical sciences and engineering.
Even at NIH, officials are recalibrating their previously high
expectations to now work with budget increases at about the rate of
inflation. This comes after scrambling to ramp up the agency’s programs
and accommodate five years of increases that averaged 15 percent
annually, ending in 2003.
Bush recently told the American Association for the Advancement of
Science (AAAS), “America’s economy leads the world because of our
system of private enterprise rewards innovation. Entrepreneurs,
scientists and skilled workers create and apply the technologies that
are changing our world.”
When asked by AAAS to list his top three priorities in science and
technology, Bush named: ensuring every American has access to
affordable broadband by 2007; performing next-generation hydrogen fuel
research; and recruiting science and technology.
Sen. Kerry has called himself “the candidate for science” and has
called for major new federal investments in science and technology over
the next decade. The initiative would be funded, at least in part, by a
one-time infusion of funds from the government auction of part of the
broadcast spectrum. He also has said he would place greater emphasis on
basic research.
He has placed particular emphasis on the National Science Foundation,
saying it would be a priority in the Kerry White House. Specifically,
he has said that he would double the NSF budget, although the timing
would be subject to how quickly the federal deficit is reduced. He also
has pledged to “support sustained growth” of the NIH budget.
Kerry’s response to the AAAS question about his top three priorities for science and technology included the following:
• Restoring and sustaining the preeminence of American science and
technology, based on “a strong, well-balanced federal program of basic
and applied research across biological, physical, engineering,
mathematics and other disciplines”;
• Ensuring that Americans are prepared for the jobs of the future,
which depend increasingly on a grasp of science and mathematics; and
• Ensuring that all decisions made by his administration are “informed by the best possible science and technology advice.”
The third item was a dig at the Bush administration, which has come
under repeated fire from many scientists for its position on a number
of important policy issues, including climate change and air pollution.
A number of individuals and organizations have charged the White House
with misrepresenting or distorting scientific data to support its
goals. The administration has vigorously denied these accusations and
has said such accusations are motivated by partisan politics.
Stem Cell Debate Reveals Clear-Cut Differences
Often the differences between the candidates are blurry or a matter of
degree. However, one of the clearest distinctions between Bush and
Kerry is over the federal role in embryonic stem cell research, an area
of great interest to many research universities.
In August 2001, President Bush issued an executive order permitting
federally sponsored embryonic stem cell research – the first time a
president has provided such funding for this relatively new research
area – but only on some 64 cell lines already in existence. No federal
research on any cell line created in the future would be allowed so as
to prevent the federal government from acting in a way that could be
viewed as encouraging the destruction of human embryos.
Subsequently, many scientific and health experts have raised concerns
about the viability of these lines. They argue that the restriction is
too strict and question whether this will stifle research – especially
in the areas of Parkinson’s or Alzheimer’s diseases.
Throughout the campaign, Bush has stuck with his position on the stem
cell issue. Kerry has charged that the president “turned his back on
science” by limiting the government’s role in this research. The
Democrat has promised that he would open up the field to more federal
funding and additional stem cell lines.
The flames have been fanned on this issue by a number of developments
in recent months, such as the stem cell advocacy speech by Ron Reagan
at the Democratic National Convention and the recent death of actor
Christopher Reeve, who was a strong advocate for stem cell research.
Opinion polls have shown that a substantial majority of Americans favor
an expanded federal role in stem cell research.
However, it will be just one of many issues that voters weigh when they
enter voting booths on Nov. 2. The outcome of the election will
certainly affect the future of many higher education issues, not to
mention America’s course on even more fundamental questions of national
policy.
Jeff Vincent is the assistant vice
chancellor for federal relations and executive director of Vanderbilt’s
Washington, D.C., office. Erik Ness, Peabody Fellow in national
education policy, contributed to this story.
Posted 10/25/04