Identity Crisis Reflected in Romans 14:1 – 15:13 and the Implications for the Chinese Christians’ Controversy on Ancestral Worship

 

LO, Lung-kwong

Theology Division, Chung Chi College, The Chinese University of Hong Kong

 

Introduction

 

     Paul’s Letter to Romans has been interpreted from different perspectives and frameworks in the long history of interpretation.  With critical awareness of  the practice of exegesis in relation to author, text and interpreter,[1] I would like to join the collective discussion of a passage in Romans from my own social and cultural locations.

 

     I am a Chinese, the only member of a family from Mainland China who was born in British Hong Kong. I hold two Passports since 1997, one is issued by the People’s Republic of China for Hong Kong Special Administrative Region which does not grant the right of abode in Mainland China and another Passport issued by British Government which does not grant the right of abode in Britain. Having obtained primary and secondary education in British Hong Kong, I got my first degree from a national university in Taiwan, a rebellious province of  China seeking for independence.  I received my initial theological education (M.Div.) from the Chinese University of Hong Kong and had my Ph.D. studies at Durham, England. I have been a Methodist minister and a social activist serving in Hong Kong and overseas Chinese churches for nineteen years before I join the academic circle as a full time lecturer (part-time circuit minister) in Hong Kong and also as a Visiting  Professor of a university in Mainland China in the last seven years. I regard myself as a Chinese living in the interface of Chinese and  western cultures, a marginal Chinese among overseas and mainland Chinese,  a minister, a social activist and a scholar travelling between local churches, society and scholarly world. With this background as a person on the boundaries,  I enter the study of the Christian Scripture, Paul’s letter to the Romans in particular, with a strong concern about the identity crisis faced by Chinese Christian as both Chinese (overseas, marginal and Mainlander) and Christian.

 

     In this paper I would provide an analytical studies of the chosen text, Rm. 14:1 – 15:13, and a discussion of my contextual and hermeneutical concerns of the passage in relation to Chinese Christians’ controversy on ancestral worship.

 

I.                  Analytical Frames[2]

 

     This passage has drawn the attention of many scholars since the publication of a lengthy study of Rauer (1923).[3]  The main issues are as follows:

1.            The sitz im leben of Romans in general and the context of the controversy of Rm.  14:1 – 15:13            

in particular;

2.            the identities of the “strong” and the “weak”;

3.            the issues of controversy; and

4.            Paul’s  solution to the controversy.

 

A brief discussion on these concerns is provided at the following.

1.          The Sitz im leben of Romans and the Context of Rm. 14:1 – 15:13

        Since the publication of The Romans Debate in 1977,[4] there are growing consensus among scholars[5]  that Romans was a letter addressed to the concrete situation of  Roman Christians. The more controversial issue is the identity of the “strong” and the “weak” which will be discussed in next section.

 

        However, as far as the context of the tension between the “strong” and the “weak” is concerned, the issues of eating foods, drinking wine and observing special days are raised in a setting which they meet one another. According to the evidence of the characteristics of the Roman Christians which we found in Rm. 16,[6]  it is quite possible that the Roman Christians belonged to different house churches organized according to their background, without substantial inter-relationship. Paul's use of household language, such as proslambanw (14:1, 3; 15:7, 7) and oiket8s (v.4) support the hypothesis that the setting of house churches is the Sitz im Leben of 14:1-15:13.

 

        Minear was probably the first scholar who showed us the significance of using the information uncovered from the last three chapters of Romans (14-16) to reconstruct the picture of the situation in Rome and to interpret the letter as a whole accordingly.[7] He rightly challenges the assumption held by most commentators that there was a single Christian congregation in Rome where different groups of Christians worshipped side by side.[8] In our opinion, he rightly suggests that there were plausibly five or six different house churches existing in Rome.[9] However, he probably goes too far when he suggests that it is possible to identify at least five distinct factions or five different positions among these various groups from the evidence of 14: 1-15: 13.[10]

       

In view of Paul’s use of liturgical languages in Rm. 14:10c-12.[11] and 15:9b-12,[12] it is quite probable the more specific context of Rm. 14:1 – 15:13 is related to a setting of  corporate worship. Further discussion of the context of the passage will be included below.

2.          The Identity of the “Strong” and the “Weak”

         In 14: 1-15: 13, the controversy is between the 'strong' and the 'weak'. Some scholars, such as Karris,[13] who appealed to the argument of Rauer,[14] have argued strongly that the 'weak' might be Christians with syncretistic or ascetic tendencies, but not ordinary Jews.[15] However, the evidence that the issue involves clean and unclean foods (koinos in 14: 14, cf. katharos in 14: 20) strongly supports the view that the ‘weak’ were Christians who observed the Mosaic law.[16] It is probable that most of them would be ethnically Jewish but may include some Gentiles. The ‘strong’ were mostly Gentile Christians who did not follow the Mosaic law, among whom there may be some ethnic Jews who act like Paul.[17] For convenience, these two groups of Christians are designated 'Jewish Christians' and 'Gentile Christians' respectively. This way of identifying the 'strong' and the 'weak' has been a point of growing consensus among most scholars.[18]

 

        The most significant difficulty of this interpretation is the evidence that the 'weak' were vegetarians (14: 2) who not only abstained from meat but also from wine (14: 21). However, the evidence found in Dan. 1: 8-16; Esth. 14: 17 (LXX); Jud. 12: 1-4; Josephus V 14 indicates that there were cases of Jews who abstained from both meat and wine when they were in a situation which was controlled by Gentiles.[19]

3.          The Issues of Controversy

        The Sitz im Leben of the controversy between the 'weak' and the 'strong' is probably more specific than many scholars have thought. Minear rightly, in our opinion, suggests that the controversy happened on the specific occasion when the Jewish Christians and the Gentile Christians worshipped and had communal meals together.[20] The 'weak' (Jewish Christians) did not abstain from meat or wine in general, they were vegetarian only when eating with the 'strong' (Gentile Christians).[21] The crucial issue to concern a Jew when eating a meal with Gentiles was probably how to keep the Jewish food laws in such a situation, vis-à-vis the Jewish identity.[22] The controversy in Rm. 14: 1 -15: 13 probably reflects the issues related to identity crisis faced by Jewish Christians in Rome. We think this is a more plausible suggestion than others, and will seek to demonstrate that plausibility in subsequent discussion.

 

           It is generally agreed that the Roman Christian movement emerged from the Roman Jewish community. It is quite possible that the situation of the Roman Jewish community was a prototype of the situation of the Roman Christians. In the study of the situation of the Roman Jewish community, there are several findings which are specifically relevant to our understanding of the context and controversy of the Roman Christians:[23]

 

1.  The Roman Jewish community was organized as a community net-work[24] which consisted of several synagogues without a central governing body.

2.  These synagogues were quite diverse in their background and they adopted the principle of toleration and mutual acceptance in their relationship.

3.  The Roman Jews had a considerable interaction with their Gentile neighbours and also      

made a great effort to preserve their Jewish identity.

4.  Through the Jewish community net-work, different Roman synagogues could share their resources, such as using catacombs.

 

        Moreover, the controversy reflected in 14: 1-15: 13 probably suggests that there were different practices in following Jewish food laws among house churches. Their differences caused tension among themselves. In other words, the principle of toleration and mutual acceptance was not yet adopted in dealing with differences among these Roman Christians who were organized into different house churches.. This situation probably occurred when the Jews returned to Rome after the death of Claudius in 54 C.E..[25] When Paul wrote his letter to Rome around 55-57 C.E.,[26] he perhaps tried to address this situation.

 

4.          Paul’s Solution to the controversy

        Minear is probably right to see that, in this passage,

 

(1) Paul did not try to persuade the 'weak' to relax their dietary or calendrical scruples, in fact, Paul endorsed them;[27] and

(2) Paul did not expect to combine the 'weak' and the 'strong' into one group by persuading all to take the same attitude towards food and days.[28]

 

        Nevertheless, what are Paul’s positive teachings directed to the controversy? They will be presented in the personae analysis of Rm. 14:1-15:13 at below.

 

A. Personae Analysis

       In 1976, David Cline published a small but very interesting book: I, He, We, & They: A Literary Approach to Isaiah 53, JSOT Supplement Series 1 (Sheffield, JSOT Press). In studying the poem Isaiah 52: 13 - 53: 12, he studies the identities and the function of the personae in the text and the relationship between them. [29] He argues strongly the impasse of historical-critical scholarship in understanding this poem, which has failed to provide acceptable solutions for the enigmas of the poem[30]  and suggests the new hermeneutic approach which put focus on the text in itself and takes language as event.[31] The language creates an alternative world which invites the reader to enter.[32]

 

       We share his dissatisfaction on historical-critical approach in studying the letters, especially the problem of mirror-reading method could not be avoided.[33]  Since the nature of letter is dialogical in both inside the text as well as between the text and the readers in the historical context,[34] we find Clines’ suggestion of the study of  personae could be applied to studying letters. Especially, the letters are not simply a source for providing information, but usually aims at performing a process of persuasion to win the readers to the position of the authors, usually related to actions.

 

       Clines’ purpose of applying the approach is to show “the legitimacy of multiple meanings” of a text, especially in reading a poem.[35] Our is different from him, the genre of poem is very different from letter. The purpose of our study is to show how this approach could help us to understand the characteristics of different identities, relationship between them, and the operation of the persuasion among them in the text as well as relate these findings to the historical contexts of the author and the readers, so that we could have a better framework to study Paul’s purpose and arguments in writing the text. In this way, we are not replacing the historical-critical method by this new hermeneutic method, but using both to supplement one another in studying Paul’s letter to the Romans in general,[36] the passage of 14: 1-15: 13 in particular.

 

       We borrow Clines’ ideas and name this approach personae analysis.[37] Since the first person (singular and plural) and second person (plural and singular) form the basic framework of interaction in the letter, our personae analysis will focus on studying the occurrences of the first and second person (singular and plural) pronouns and verbs. If the context requires us to pay attention to the third person as well, we will do so accordingly. While we accept the assumption that Romans was a letter addressed to the situation of Roman Christians, we will focus our enquiry on. the persuasion in the letter on how Paul as the author provide solutions to the controversy faced by his audience. We hope that by using the interaction between the first person and the second person within the text as the framework for our study, we can also have a better approach to understanding how Paul addresses the concrete situation of Roman Christians.[38]

B.     Personae analysis of Rm. 14:1 – 15:13

       In Rm. 14:1-15:13, first person and second person pronouns (singular and plural) occur twenty-five times.[39] First person singular verbs[40] and second person singular verbs[41] occur four times each; second person plural verbs occur twice[42] and the first person plural verbs occur eleven times.[43] We may say that the occurrence of the first and second persons in this passage is quite frequent.[44] It is significant to pay attention to Paul's change from one person to another when he uses these pronouns and verbs in this passage.[45]

          

           In the following analysis, we divide 14:1-15:13 into five sections according to the content and the characteristics of these 'persons'.

(1)   Paul Admonishes the Jewish and the Gentile Christians not to Pass Judgement on One Another (14:1 -13a)

 

           In this passage, there are one first person singular verb and one first person pronoun in v. 11, both of which are part of the OT quotations; two first person plural pronouns in vv.7, 12 and remarkably nine first person plural verbs in vv. 8, 10, 13, of which seven occur in v.8. Furthermore there are five second person singular pronouns in vv.4, and 10, of which four occur in v.10; and there is only one second person plural verb, which occurs in the first verse.

 

           Naturally, we start our analysis from v.1. Paul starts his exhortation by using the second person plural imperative[46] proslambanesthe which most probably refers to the 'strong' mentioned later in 15:1.[47] If this is the case, Paul starts his admonition explicitly towards the Gentile Christians in Rome requesting them to welcome a Jewish Christian[48] who participates in the fellowship of their house churches,[49] even though the Jewish Christian only eats vegetables when he participates in the communal meal with them (v.2). As we have mentioned above, this could have happened when the Jewish Christians returned to Rome after the death of Claudius and participated in the existing Gentile Christian house churches. This evidence does not imply that the Jewish Christian was a vegetarian in general. His abstaining from meat was probably because he had doubts as to whether the meat provided by the Gentile Christians was prepared according to the Jewish food laws.

 

           Thus in 14:1f., Paul presupposed that there were cases of individual Jewish Christians who had participated in the communal meals of the Gentile Christian house churches. As they ate only vegetables and abstained from all meat provided by the Gentile Christians, they had dispute with the Gentile Christians over their doubt and were not welcomed by them.

 

            From a detailed personae analysis of this passage (see the complete paper on the website), we gather the following findings:

 

(1) Paul directs his exhortation explicitly to the Gentile Christians, while the Jewish Christians are not referred to as a group. The Jewish Christians are addressed as individuals among the Roman Christians or as part of the Roman Christian community as a whole.

(2) Paul has in mind that the Gentile Christians should welcome the Jewish Christians to participate in their communal meal. In other words, he expects that the Jewish and the Gentile Christians could worship together as well.

(3) Paul admonishes the Jewish and the Gentile Christians to change their attitude towards one another. However, Paul does not try to persuade them to change their different practices in relation to Jewish ceremonial laws but asks them to accept their differences.

(4) Paul emphasizes that they are united in God in their service to the Lord, under the Lordship of Christ, and in their eschatological destiny. They are brothers one to another.

 

           The above findings give us quite a clear picture of the situation of the Roman Christian community. Paul's argument obviously shows that he does not aim at bringing the Jewish and the Gentile Christians together into one congregation in which uniformity of practice in the communal meal and observance of days would be expected. What Paul presupposes is the existence of a number of house churches alongside each other, which belong to Jewish and Gentile Christians. This is consistent with our previous understanding of the situation of the Roman Christian community.

 

           In 14: 1-13a, Paul probably wishes to restore a situation in which Jewish Christians can participate in the worship held at a Gentile Christian house church. They could eat vegetables in the communal meal  with no need to dispute with the Gentile Christians.[50] In this situation, the Jewish and the Gentile Christians should not pass judgement on one another.

 

           However, if this is the way in which Jewish Christians can participate in worship held in a Gentile Christian house church, then another issue arises: how can Gentile Christians participate in the worship held in a Jewish Christian house church? It is quite obvious that this cannot happen unless either Jewish or Gentile Christians are willing to change their practice in eating meal. Paul goes on to deal with this issue in the following passages.

(2)   Paul admonishes the Gentile Christians not to put a stumbling-block or                hindrance in the way of building up a Roman Christian community net-work (14: 13b-23)

 

           In this passage, there are two first person singular verbs in v.14 and one first person plural verb in v.19. However, there are four second person singular pronouns in vv.15, 15, 21, 22 and three second person singular verbs in vv.15, 15, 20. Furthermore, there is one second person plural pronoun in v.16 and a second person plural verb in v.13b.

 

           We start this section from v.13b because v.13a is better understood as the conclusion of 14: 1-13a.[51] Paul changes the 'persons' from first person plural in v.13a to second person plural in v.13b, and the fact that he uses the word proskomma in vv.13b and 20 (cf. v.21) suggests that v.13b belongs to 14: 14-23 rather than 14: 1-13a.

 

           In v.13b, Paul uses the second person plural imperative krinate to direct his exhortation explicitly to the strong,[52] that is the Gentile Christians. Paul admonishes them not to place a stumbling-block (proskomma) or hindrance (skandalon) in the way of a brother. In the context of 14:1-15:13, the brother is a Jewish Christian. It is noteworthy that in the NT, proskomma and skandalon are linked together only in three cases (Rm. 9:33; here and I Peter 2:8).[53]

 

           From a detailed personae analysis of this passage (see the complete paper on the website), it appears that in 14:13b-23, Paul explicitly directs his exhortation only to the Gentile Christians. The Jewish Christians are hidden in the background. Paul brings the discussion of the observance of the Jewish food laws to a different dimension. He asks the Gentile Christians not to make this issue a test of faith for the Jewish Christians. A Jew can become a Christian and maintain his observance of the Jewish food laws. In other words, Paul admonishes the Gentile Christians not to put the Jewish Christians in danger of becoming either Jewish or Christian apostates.

 

           Furthermore, although Paul endorses the Gentile Christians' understanding of the lacking of final validity of the Jewish food laws, he admonishes them to restrict their freedom in eating meat and drinking wine for the sake of building up a peaceful and close relationship with the Jewish Christians in Rome. Paul probably even suggests that it would be good if the Gentile Christians could change their practice of eating and drinking probably on specific occasions when they have a communal meal with the Jewish Christians. This would mean that when the Jewish Christians participate in the communal meal held at a Gentile Christian house church, not only the Jewish Christians would eat solely vegetables, but the Gentile Christians may also do the same. Cranfield rightly describes the situation as "the strong Christian who 'has the faith to eat any food' has more room in which to manoeuvre than the weak Christian who 'eats only vegetables'. He has the inner freedom not only to eat flesh but also equally to refrain from eating it. So for him to refrain for his weak brother's sake is assuredly good"[54]

 

           Therefore, if the Gentile Christians are willing to change their practice when eating in the presence of Jewish Christians in their own house church, it would open up the chance for the Gentile Christians to follow the practice of the Jewish Christians on specific occasions when they participate in a communal meal held at the house church of the Jewish Christians. As will be shown below, this seems to be the issue discussed in 15: 1-4.

 

           Nevertheless, although in 14: 13b-23 only the Gentile Christians are addressed, the message is surely overheard by the Jewish Christians as well. On the one hand, they also have to understand the observance of the Jewish food laws from the perspective of Jesus Christ, the principle of love and the kingdom of God; on the other hand, they should know that Paul understands their dilemma and sympathizes with them. However, as for Paul, the most important thing is not to let the issue of practicing Jewish food laws, which is related to an ethnic-religio-cultural practice, become a stumbling block or hindrance in building up a peaceful and close relationship between the Jewish and the Gentile Christians in Rome. This is an exhortation that Paul wishes to direct to both groups.

(3)   Paul admonishes the Gentile Christians to please the Jewish Christians  (15: 1-4)

           This section is the climax of Paul's exhortation directed to the strong which starts from 14:1.[55] The terms dunatos and adunatos occur for the first time (15:1) to identify explicitly those who should welcome "the man who is weak in faith" (14:1) and the person so far referred to as ho asthenwn (14: 1, 2) respectively.

 

           The other most significant point is that Paul uses the clause h8meis hoi dunatoi to identify himself most explicitly with the 'strong'. In fact, in this passage, the first person singular verb, second person singular verb and the second person plural pronouns and verbs are all missing. The only occurrence of the first person singular pronoun and the second person singular pronoun are in an OT quotation (v.3). However, the first person plural pronoun occurs twice in vv.1, 2[56] and two first person plural verbs occur in vv. 1 and 4. Thus the only 'person' that occurs in this passage is 'we' which denotes Paul and the strong.

 

           From a detailed personae analysis of 15:1 – 4 (see the complete paper on the website), it appears that when Paul forcefully admonishes the Gentile Christians to carry the burden of the Jewish Christians and not to please themselves (regardless of the effects which their pleasing themselves would have on the Jewish Christians), but to please the Jewish Christians, he is probably suggesting that the Gentile Christians should follow the Jewish practice in eating meal on the specific occasion when they participate in the communal meal held at the Jewish Christian house church (cf. I Cor. 8: 7-13).[57] This practice is very important because it is related to the "good" of the Jewish Christians and the "building up" (oikodom8, cf. 14:19) of the Christian community in Rome (15:2).

 

           Paul's suggestion does not contradict his position stated in Gal. 2: 11-14. In Galatians, the issue at stake is whether the Gentile Christians should live fully according to the Jewish way of life.[58] More precisely, the issue is whether a Gentile Christian should become a Jew if he is to become a member of God's people. Paul is strongly against this position. However, in Rm. 14: 1-23, he clearly states his view on the Jewish food laws (14:14) which are essential for the Jews to preserve their Jewish identity but not essential to the Christian faith and it is optional for those who have faith in Christ. The issue at stake is that the observance of the Jewish way when eating a meal on specific occasions by the Gentile Christians would contribute to the unity of the Jewish and the Gentile Christians in Rome.

 

           In fact, this suggestion is in line with Paul's exhortation that the Gentile Christians who have the freedom of the Gospel should not only eat meat and drink wine but equally refrain from eating and drinking them (14: 15-21). Furthermore, by using the first person plural pronoun h8meis to identify himself with the Gentile Christians in Rome (15:1), Paul is probably also thinking of his missionary principle which not only shapes his missionary work but probably also shapes the aspirations and the very style of his life:[59]

 

           "For though I am free from all men, I have made myself a slave to all, that I might win the more. To the Jews I became as a Jew, in order to win Jews; to those under the law, I became as one under the law-- though not being myself under the law -- that I might win those under the law. To those outside the law, I became as one outside the law -- not being without law toward God but under the law of Christ -- that I might win those outside the law. To the weak (asthen8s), I became weak that I might win the weak. I have become all things to all men, that I might by all means save some." (I Cor. 9: 19-22).

 

           If that is the case, there are three possible conditions on which the Jewish and Gentile Christians can participate in worship and communal meals held at one anothers' house churches as revealed in Paul's exhortations from 14:1-15:4:

 

(1) The Jewish and the Gentile Christians should change their hostile attitude toward each other and should restore the previous situation in which the Jewish Christians would eat only vegetables when they participate in the communal meal held at a Gentile Christian house church. They should accept each other's diversified practice of the Jewish food laws and hold their unity in serving the Lord (14: 1-13a).

(2) Gentile Christians should not take the issue of observance of Jewish food laws as a test of faith. Their freedom in the Gospel should allow them to change their practice of eating and drinking to bring it in line with that of the Jewish Christians when the Jewish Christians participate in the communal meal held at a Gentile Christian house church (14: 13b-23).

(3) Gentile Christians have an inescapable obligation to carry the burden of the Jewish Christians in the same way as Paul did. They should please the Jewish Christians by following the Jewish way of eating meal on the specific occasion when they participate in the communal meal held at a Jewish Christian house church (15: 1-4).

 

           Thus the agreements Paul expected to be made between the Jewish and the Gentile Christians in Rome are probably as follows:

 

(1) The Jewish Christians should agree that, although the observance of ceremonial laws is essential for Jewish identity, this observance is not essential for Gentiles to become God's people. The only essential requirement for God's people is faith in Christ.

(2) The Gentile Christians are free from observing the Jewish ceremonial laws, but they must not regard the observance of Jewish ceremonial laws as incompatible with the Christian faith. Whenever they have meals with the Jewish Christians, they could follow the Jewish way of eating meal.

(3) The lordship of Christ is the ground for the unity of Jewish and Gentile Christians.

 

           As far as the first two concessions are concerned, it is difficult to judge whether a greater concession is demanded of the Jewish or the Gentile Christians.[60] The Jewish Christians were expected to differentiate themselves from the 'orthodox' Jews' understanding of the Jewish law in regard to the requirements for being God's people, while the Gentile Christians were expected to understand the limit of freedom in the gospel and to change their eating practices whenever they shared in a communal meal with the Jewish Christians.

 

           In fact, the above concessions brought the Jewish Christians no difficulty in their own practice of Judaism. Since Judaism is a religion concerning 'orthopraxy' rather than 'orthodoxy', it is quite probable that by these concessions the Jewish Christians were able to retain their relationship with the non-Christian synagogues and also with the Gentile Christian house churches. As far as the social intercourse between the Gentile Christians and their pagan environment is concerned, the concession does not seem to cause much difficulty. [61] Thus although these two concessions are probably against the original position of some Jewish and Gentile Christians in Rome, they are probably the most feasible and practical concessions which could be made between them.

 

           Nevertheless, one thing crystal clear is that Paul was very conscious of the danger of apostasy by the Jewish Christians and he admonishes the Gentile Christians not to put them in such a position. In 14:1-15:4, Paul expresses his wish that the Jewish Christians could maintain both Jewish and Christian identities. He does not try to persuade the Jewish Christians to abandon the Jewish ceremonial laws, but rather defend and protect them for their practice.

(4)   Paul's prayer-wish[62] towards the Jewish and the Gentile Christians in Rome (15:     5 - 6)

           As far as the 'persons'  in this passage are concerned, humin occurs in v.5, and the second person plural subjunctive doxaz8te and the first person plural pronoun h8mwn occur in v.6. As these verses are the concluding part of 14:1-15:6, it is obvious that Paul is addressing all the Christians in Rome, both Jewish and Gentile Christians alike.[63]

 

           From a detailed personae analysis of 14:1-15:6 (see the complete paper on the website), it indicates that Paul directs his exhortation explicitly to the Gentile Christians (cf. 14:1, 13b23; 15: 14). The Jewish Christians are addressed only as individuals (14:4, 10, 10) or together with the Gentile Christians as the whole Roman Christian community (14: 7-13a; 15: 5-6). This is clearly shown by the fact that Paul uses all the second person plural pronouns and verbs in 14:1-15:4 to address only the Gentile Christians.

 

           However, Paul's message to the Gentile Christians would be overheard by the Jewish Christians and is relevant to them. The Jewish Christians would understand Paul's view on the food laws, his sympathy with their dilemma and his exhortation to the Gentile Christians for the sake of their difficulties. Nevertheless, it is clear that Paul admonishes both the Jewish and the Gentile Christians to change their attitude to one another, but he admonishes only the Gentile Christians to change their practice in eating whenever they have a communal meal with the Jewish Christians. The Jewish Christians are not asked to change their observance of Jewish ceremonial laws, even though their understanding is not in accord with Christian belief.

 

(5) Paul Affirms the Significance of the Building up of a Christian Community Net-

      work for the Jewish and Gentile Christians in Rome (15: 7-13)

The occurrence of the second person plural imperative proslambanesthe here certainly connects 15:7 with 14:1. However, while in 14:1, the second person plural is addressed to the 'strong', it is here addressed to the Christian community in Rome as a whole which is composed of the 'strong' and the 'weak'.[64] Hence the use of all8lous in 15:7 is most significant. The phrase to "welcome one another" probably indicates the climax of the whole passage which has been built up from the exhortation in 14:1-15:4 and the prayer wish in 15:5 : (i) let us no more pass judgement on one another (14:13a); (ii) let us then pursue what makes for peace and for mutual (all8lous) upbuilding (14:19); and (iii) may God grant you to live in such harmony with one another (15:5). In 15:7, Paul concludes his exhortation by admonishing the Gentile and the Jewish Christians to recognize and accept one another even though they have different attitudes towards the Jewish ceremonial laws and the fact that they belong to different house churches. The reason why they must accept one another is the model of Christ (cf. 15: 5).

 

           From a detailed personae analysis of the passage (see the complete paper on the website), it appears that in 15: 7-13, Paul addresses the Christian community in Rome as a whole. In it, he not only refers to his exhortation to the Jewish and the Gentile Christians in 14:1 -15:6 about their mutual recognition and acceptance in the communal meal held at their different house churches, but also refers to God's covenant faithfulness to the Jews (15: 8; cf. 3: 4, 7; 9: 4ff.), God's mercy to the Gentiles (15: 9; cf. 9: 15-18, 23; 11: 30-2) and the content of the gospel (15: 12; cf. 1: 3-5; 9: 5) which he has discussed in detail in Rm. 1-11.[65]

Summary and  Conclusion:

        From our detailed  personae analysis of Rm. 14:1 -15:13 (see the complete paper on the website), we have developed a hypothesis that there were two main groups of Christians in Rome: a Jewish Christian group which may have included proselytes and God-fearers with Jews who observed Jewish ceremonial laws, and which is a religio-cultural-ethnic group rather than a strictly ethnic group; and a Gentile Christian group which may have included Jews who did not maintain the observance of the Jewish ceremonial laws. They were organized into different house churches when the Jewish Christians returned to Rome after the death of Claudius. Since the Jewish Christians maintained their observance of Jewish ceremonial laws, they would probably have no difficulty in building up their relationship with the synagogues of the Roman Jewish community. However, the bitter experience of the Jewish Christians who had participated in the communal meal held in the Gentile Christian house had caused a tense relationship between the Jewish and the Gentile Christians.

 

           Paul understood the situation and wrote the letter to both the Jewish and the Gentile Christians in Rome in order to persuade them to build up a peaceful and close relationship between their house churches. In 14:1-15:13, Paul admonished both groups to change their attitude towards one another, but explicitly asked the Gentile Christians to consider the dilemma faced by the Jewish Christians.

 

           Paul admonished the Gentile Christians to change their practice in the communal meal and to follow the Jewish way of eating a meal whenever Jewish Christians were present. Paul desired that the Gentile Christians would welcome the Jewish Christians to participate in the communal meals held in their house churches, thus recognizing the significance of the ministry of Christ among the Jews. On the other hand, Paul wished the Jewish Christians to welcome the Gentile Christians to the communal meals held in their house churches, thus recognizing the legitimacy of the Gentile mission and the ministry of Christ among the Gentiles.

 

           In his exhortation, Paul was fully aware of the danger of apostasy by the Jewish Christians. Paul explicitly asked the Gentile Christians not to put the Jewish Christians into such a position. Paul's purpose was probably to build up a Roman Christian community net-work among the Jewish and the Gentile Christian house churches, and at the same time to let the Jewish house churches (Jewish Christian synagogues) retain their relations with the Roman Jewish community. In other words, Paul neither demanded the Jewish Christians to give up their connection with the non-Christian Jews, nor asked the Gentile Christians to become Jews. This could happen if:

(1)    the Jewish Christians could continue to maintain their Jewish identity and their

status in the Roman Jewish community;

(2)     the Jewish Christians recognized the legitimacy of the Gentile Christians also as God's people;

(3)     the Gentile Christians recognized the significance of their relationship with the Jewish Christians;

(4)     the Gentile Christians agreed to follow the Jewish way in eating a meal whenever they have communal life with the Jewish Christians; and

(5)     the Jewish Christians and the Gentile Christians welcomed one another to participate

      in the communal life of their different house churches.

 

 From the evidence of 14:1-15:13, we find that Paul addressed explicitly the first,

the fourth and the fifth conditions and mentioned the second and the third in passing. We suggest that Paul may have addressed these two conditions specifically in the first eleven chapters of Romans.[66]

 

               We agree with Watson that the main issues were concerned with the question of the relationship between the Jewish and the Gentile Christians, and also that between Christians (Jewish and Gentile) and Jews (Christian and non-Christian). We disagree with him critically on Paul's attitude towards these relationships. In Romans 14:1-15:13, we find that:

 

(1) Paul emphasized the importance of the unity between the Jewish and the Gentile  

     Christians but did not try to persuade the Jewish Christians to separate from the 

     Jewish community; They could be a Jew and a Christian at the same time.6/22/02

(2) Paul admonished the Gentile Christians not to make the Jewish Christians become 

      Jewish apostates in pursuit of Christian unity, but to support the Jewish Christians in

      their effort to preserve their Jewish identity.

(1)     Paul asked the Gentile Christians to exercise their freedom to choose to follow the

      Jewish way of eating a meal at the specific occasion when they participate in the  

communal meal held at a Jewish Christian house church. However he affirmed their correct understanding that the Jewish practice had nothing to do with their identity of  people of God. They could maintain their non-Jewish (Gentile) identity according to the Gospel.

(2)     Paul differentiates the importance of issues between soteriological and cultural,

      essential and situational. He stands firm on the former issues without any room to

      compromise in his letter to Galatians, but suggests actions to please those who are

      wrong in their convictions and compromise on the latter issues in Rm. 14:1-15:13.

 

II. Contextual Frames[67]

The above findings are most significant in our discussion of the relationship between Gospel and cultural-ethnic identity among Chinese. Chinese Christianity has long been labeled as a foreign religion and has been criticized that to be a Christian is not to be a Chinese. The conflict of to be a Chinese and to be a Christian has been an issue reflected in the well known Rites Controversy (1615-1742) which arose among Catholic missionaries[68] regarding how they should deal with ‘Chinese rites’ in the transitional years from Ming dynasty (1368-1644) to Qing dynasty (1644-1911). The issue at stake was whether Christian converts be permitted to continue the practice of the ancestral cult which was so central to the entire family and clan system, as well as the veneration of Confucius, in those temples dedicated to his name which were attached to every school in the country?

 

     Under the leadership of Matteo Ricci (1552-1610), Jesuit missionaries approved for their converts the veneration of ancestors and of Confucius.[69], But opposition to this move was reported to the Pope in Rome, Clement XI. He sent an envoy to China (1704-1710), the Patriarch of Antioch, Maillard de Tournon.[70] Even though the Chinese Emperor K’ang-shi (1662-1722), who was very sympathetic to Christianity, had given his official confirmation in 1700—that Confucius was not worshipped as God, but venerated as a moral teacher; that ancestral veneration was regarded as a memorial service rather than as a worship of the spirit; and that the ancestral tablet offered a focus for filial attention and devotion, and no more; and that Heaven and Lord-on-high were identifiable, not with the physical Heaven, but the Lord of Heaven and Earth and all things,[71] the envoy reported to the Pope negatively about the practice.

 

        The controversy was considered by eight popes and involved leading universities in Europe.[72] In the end, Rome was to support those who opposed the rites, whose judgement was that the ancient Chinese were idolaters and the modern Chinese atheist; that the Confucian classics themselves, and even the Jesuit works published in Chinese, taught doctrine contrary to the Christian faith; that ancestral rites were illicit because they were offered to spirits of ancestors and so involved idolatry and superstition; that Confucius himself was a public idolater and a private atheist, and should not be honoured by Christians as a saint.[73]

 

        In a decree of 1704, reinforced by the bull Ex illa die of 1715, Pope Clement XI banned the rites.[74] Another envoy of the pope, Jean Ambrose Charles Mezzabarba, was  sent to China in 1720. He was more tactful than his predeceeor, Tournon, and presented to the Emperor a concession in the form of eight “permissions” which were mainly an interpretation of the clauses that permitted ceremonies of a purely civil or political character.[75] However these concessions were far from satisfaction to K’ang-hsi and were annulled by the Pope Benedict XIV, the successor of Clement XI.[76] On July 11, 1742, Pope Benedict XIV decided ‘definitively’ in favour of those opposing the rites. His decree, Ex quo singulari, condemned the Chinese rites and imposed an oath on all Catholic missionaries in China to oppose the rites.

 

        The decision had incalculable consequences. The Catholic missionaries were expelled from China and an imperial edict to ban Christianity was issued. A golden chance of implanting the Gospel on Chinese soil was lost.[77] Cynically, almost two centuries after Ex quo singulari, during  the second world war, Pope Pius XII in 1939 reversed the decision of 1742, authorizing Christians to take part in ceremonies honouring Confucius and to observe the ancestral rites. By then, however, the veneration of Confucius was largely discontinued since China had put in a modern school system to replace the traditional Confucian-oriented ‘temple-related’ institutions. Besides, the Chinese were at war with Japan, and hardly had the time to spare for ancestral rites. The golden chance had simply gone, and not returned.

 

     While the Catholics have an official position on the issue of ancestral rites, the Protestants could hardly come to any consensus even today.[78] Robert Morrison, who was the first Protestant missionary arrived China in 1807, had studied the problem and expressed his opposition stance similar to the old Catholic position in 1832[79] While the missionary activities expanded after the opium war (1840), the conflicts on the issue between missionaries and Chinese society became a burning one among the missionaries. In the 19th Century, there were two missionary conferences (1877, 1890) held in China which had to pay a lot of attention to the controversy.

 

     In the first conference (1877), almost all participants condemned the Chinese ancestral worship as an act of idolatry which must not be participated by Chinese Christians.[80] Only a few had raised questions, such as whether missionaries  had the right to compel Chinese to give up their way of honouring the dead, and the practical situation for Chinese Christians to lose their right of inheritance if they refuse to participate in the rite.  The most positive response was proposed by Crawford, T. P. and Goodrich, C. that an effort of developing Christian rites to replace ancestral worship should be pursued.[81]    

 

     In the second conference (1890), a report from a thorough study on the issue done by Martin, W. A. P.[82] aroused a hot debate. In Martin’s report, he agrees that there are some idolatrous and superstitious elements involved in Chinese ancestral worship, but there are positive elements as well. The origin of the rite comes from some best principles of humanity which include a wish to communicate with the parents passed away. The three levels in the rite including ‘posture’, ‘invocation’ and ‘offering’ which do not necessary equivalent to idol-worship, but rather reflect a pattern of Chinese daily living. He suggests that the westerners offering of flowers to remember those dead has the same meaning as the Chinese offering meats and vegetables.[83] Thus it would be better to work according to the principle of cleaning the unacceptable elements but preserving the good ones, so that the rite could be modified to the extend that it is in harmony with the Christian faith. However, his accommodation approach was not welcomed by most participants. Nevertheless, the situation was not as one-sided as in 1877. Some prominent missionaries did express their support to Martin. They suggest that missionaries must learn how to differentiate religious and non-religious